The imprisonment of Istanbul’s mayor and the resulting protests have put the focus back on the Turkish President’s political evolution. Once considered a reformer, he has more recently mostly monopolized power.
The arrest and removal from office of
Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoglu
last week has caused consternation in Turkey .
Tens of thousands of people
have been taking to the streets on a daily basis to protest against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
There has also been international criticism of the arrest of Imamoglu, a
long-time political rival of Erdogan’s,
and the increased repression against the Turkish opposition and independent media.
On Monday, the European Commission urged Turkey to “adhere to democratic principles,” while the German Foreign Ministry stated that political disputes “should not be pursued via the judicial system and incarceration.”
Specialists argue that Turkey has gradually moved toward autocratic rule over recent years. Following the thwarted coup attempt in 2016, Erdoğan has increased his presidential authority and taken stringent measures against opposing voices and political disagreement.
When he initially assumed office, Erdogan was lauded as a reformer. LIFEHACK explores the journey that led Turkey to this juncture.
From a blue-collar background community
Erdogan was born in 1954. His father served as a coast guard, and the family resided in Istanbul’s working-class and socially conservative district of Kasimpasha.
He enrolled in a faith-based vocational high school where he quickly gained recognition for his natural talent for addressing crowds.
The President has stated that he completed his studies at Istanbul’s Marmara University in 1981. However, according to the institution’s website, it was granted university status only in July 1982. Therefore, questions have arisen about whether Erdogan truly possesses a university degree, which is technically required for the position he occupies.
Erdogan served at the municipal transportation agency and also participated in semi-professional soccer. He tied the knot with Emine Gulbaran in 1978, and together they have raised four children.
Erdogan embarked on his political journey in the 1970s when he became part of a religious and conservative party headed by Necmettin Erbakan. He astonished observers in 1994 by winning the election for Mayor of Istanbul, despite lacking significant recognition within local politics at the time. However, in 1998, he was compelled to step down from this position following a conviction that required him to serve jail time because he recited a nationalist verse publicly which was interpreted as promoting enmity based on religion.
Founding of the AKP
Following his release, Erdogan along with several other politicians established the socially conservative and right-wing populist Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2001. The very next year, the party secured 35% of the vote in a national election and achieved an overwhelming victory. Despite being barred from serving as prime minister because of his prior conviction, Erdogan assumed the role in 2003 following a legal amendment.
Throughout his tenure of three terms as prime minister, Erdoğan succeeded in fostering economic expansion and garnered international acclaim for being a visionary reformer. Official talks with the European Union commenced in 2005, propelling Turkey into rapidly updating its legal and regulatory frameworks like never before. Under Erdoğan’s leadership, investments in infrastructure surged forward, contributing to the significant enlargement of the Turkish middle class.
In 2013, the demonstrations at Gezi Park in Istanbul represented a significant shift. Initially conceived as a modest protest against an urban redevelopment plan targeting the park, these gatherings rapidly evolved into broader opposition against Erdoğan’s authoritative governance and escalating limitations on free speech. In response, authorities employed forceful measures including tear gas, water cannons, and rubber bullets. This resulted in eight fatalities and numerous injuries among protesters. Describing the unrest as an “insurrection,” Erdoğan leveraged this situation to strengthen his control over political landscapes.
Expanding presidential powers
Since becoming President of Turkey in 2014, Erdogan has steadily increased his authority. The introduction of the present presidential system in 2018 granted him extensive new powers. This change eliminated the position of prime minister, transforming the presidency from a largely ceremonial role into the central hub of governmental power.
Another step was the
severe limitations on media independence.
Many standalone media organizations were closed down or taken over by the state, making it progressively harder to critique Erdogan and those around him. Those journalists brave enough to challenge the authorities frequently face intimidation or end up behind bars. At least
Nine journalists are reporting on the ongoing protests regarding Imamoglu.
have been arrested already.
Over the last ten years, there has also seen a rise in
arrests of opposition politicians.
Following the unsuccessful coup d’état in 2016, numerous political adversaries and scholars were detained and charged with affiliating themselves with terror groups.
On the night of July 15 to 16, 2016, parts of the Turkish military allegedly attempted to overthrow the Erdogan-led government. The government mostly blamed Fethullah Gulen, a reclusive US-based cleric, who has since died in exile, and his followers. The allegations have never been proven.
Since then thousands of civil servants, judges and public prosecutors were dismissed.
It is still unclear how the imprisonment of
Istanbul’s mayor will affect Erdogan in the long term
. Turkey analyst Hürcan Asli Aksoy at the Berlin-based German Institute for International and Security Affairs says this is the “million-dollar question.”
In an interview with German media outlet Tagessschau, she explained that she thought Erdogan’s logic was working. “Not necessarily because his approach is going down well with voters. But because he can rely on his entire state system, not only the political apparatus but also the judiciary.”
This article was originally published in German.
Author: Stephanie Höppner
